Interview. Brazil: How to confront Bolsonarismo?

“Bolsonaro, after 48 hours of silence after losing the elections by a small margin, spoke as a leader of the right-wing opposition, a leader of a social force both institutional and “semi-legal” in the streets. After the elections This was proven both with the coup plotting roadblocks and the extreme right-wing demonstrations that called for military intervention.These blockades were organized by the agrarian and trucker employers, with the complicity of the Federal Highway Police (NR: la Highway Police).

After Bolsonaro’s speech, the blockades began to decrease, although this last Wednesday there were coup demonstrations in front of the barracks, which called for military intervention. Even with disgusting things like Nazi salutes in Santa Catarina, where there is a significant base of Bolsonarism.

Faced with all this, the position of the PT and the trade union centrals has been to wait for the institutions to function, refusing to organize the workers and the people, a total absurdity in the face of this advance of the right.

It is still uncertain how the situation will continue, but there is no relation of forces for a coup. Sectors of the big bourgeoisie such as the Federation of Industries of São Paulo, the Federation of Banks and the democratic faction of imperialism led by Biden, are waiting for Lula to take office. Even the military High Command (although it does not dislike these demonstrations) was separating itself from Bolsonaro. But it’s all pretty open for now.

There is a lot of expectation with the future government of Lula, but there is also a lot of polarization in the country: it is not going to be a stable government, which takes over with an international economic crisis. The right came out stronger, but resistance struggles may emerge demanding Lula’s campaign promises. The fact that his deputy is Geraldo Alckmin, a right-wing conservative who as governor attacked workers and youth, is the result of the conciliation of Lula and the PT with the political regime that resulted after the institutional coup of 2016.

Throughout the campaign, Lula and Alckmin forged alliances with important business sectors and those of the conservative right, such as the evangelical sectors. That explains why Lula said that his government “will not be a PT government.” It will have to be a government that accommodates all that arch of right-wing alliances that he was building throughout the electoral campaign. That explains Lula’s statements against abortion, for example.

The question then is that it is an even more degraded and right-wing democratic regime. In addition to the fact that the new government will not have the same economic margin that it had, mainly in the second Lula government, to make concessions. The world is experiencing an economic crisis, with many elements of destabilization as well. And in the country the situation is very different too. On the other hand, the big media, large employer sectors are pressing for a greater turn “to the center.”

For all this, we have been insisting that to confront Bolsonaro or Bolsonarism as a right-wing current, it will not be by trusting in the institutions. The Bolsonaristas now have a lot of weight in Congress, in addition to having strength as social sectors. Lula won by a narrow margin. That is why it is necessary to trust in our own forces: those of the workers, the women, the youth, to confront this ideology of the extreme right. For this it is necessary that the unions, the social movements, the student centers, etc. Organize a social force that can confront this Bolsonarist phenomenon in an organized manner.

Precisely that, is the responsibility of the PT that is in the direction of important and gigantic organizations of workers and social movements. But what they did, even in the Bolsonaro government, was to refuse to organize large demonstrations against each of the attacks. And when there were mobilizations, their role has been to control them, to separate one mobilization from another.

We have been side by side with each of those who sought to confront Bolsonaro, but we understand that institutions, such as the Supreme Court, for example, cannot be trusted. It is necessary for the working class to intervene with its own methods of struggle: the strike, the workers’ pickets, for this the union organizations also have to break with their passivity, to send the extreme right to the dustbin of history”.

Interview. Brazil: How to confront Bolsonarismo?